Report of
the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry on the Intellectual Property Laws Amendment Bill [B 8 – 2010] (National
Assembly – sec 75), dated 16 September 2011:
The
Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, having considered the subject of the
Intellectual
Property Laws Amendment Bill [B 8 – 2010] (National Assembly – sec 75),
referred to it and classified by the JTM as a section 75 Bill, presents a
redraft of the Intellectual Property Laws Amendment Bill [B 8B – 2010].
An
amendment to the Preamble proposed by the Freedom Front Plus while finalising
the Bill in relation to indigenous communities and indigenous knowledge was rejected
on the basis that it was already included in the Preamble.
Three minority views were expressed
as indicated below:
Democratic
“1. The Sui Generis Option
It must be noted
that the DA believes that we should be legislating to protect Traditional
Knowledge but maintains that this should be done through sui generis legislation rather than an amendments to the four main
existing IP laws.
The majority of
Intellectual Property experts who appeared before the committee support this
view. The World Intellectual Property Organisation also broadly endorses it.
2. Referral
to the House of Traditional Leaders
It is clear that
the Bill needs to be referred to the House of Traditional Leaders in terms of
Sec 18(1) a of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act 2003
because it clearly “pertains” to “customs of indigenous communities”.”
Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP)
“We
cannot support this Bill for the following reasons
1.
It should have been a sui
generis Bill.
2.
It did not serve before the National House of Traditional
Leaders even though it pertains to the customs of traditional communities.
3.
Insufficient consultations with the PC of Arts & Culture
and Science & Technology.
4.
The definition of knowledge lacks the requirement that such
knowledge be unique to a relevant community and is not known or used by any
other.
5.
The definition indigenous community bypasses existing
traditional councils.
6.
An indigenous community as a legal person lacks the legal
prescripts to determine how such entity expresses its volitions, inter alia, to appoint a representative
or apply for registration of its knowledge.
7.
The inclusion of extinct communities is absurd.
8.
The Bill has undressed issues of constitutionality in that
a.
requires those who now freely use indigenous knowledge for
commercial purposes to stop doing so until and unless they obtain the consent
of a community and pay a royalty, thereby “taking away” a right without
compensation
b.
the new royally or benefit to be paid to the Trust, which is
an organ of state, is a tax, duty, levy, or surcharge, which turn this
provisions into a money Bill.
c.
in the absence of extraordinary circumstances it is
impermissible to legislate that money raised in terms of this Bill goes
anywhere but in the National Revenue Fund
9.
The Bill contravenes international law set out in the TRIPS
which prohibits legislation which provides for national treatment or extends
benefits to nationals only. Trying to
achieve parity of treatment by means of additional international treaties
subject to reciprocity confirms rather than solves the problem, as it
highlights that in the absence of such treaties the TPIPS is breached.
10.
The length of time during which indigenous knowledge is
protected is excessive, unwarranted and not in line with any existing
intellectual property law.
11.
In spite of several requests we could not receive a mere 20
examples of existing items of indigenous knowledge which will be protected
better by this Bill as compared to present legislation in respect of
“derivatives” viz. actual performances, books, films and actual products, and
received none.
12.
The bill is unclear as which community can apply for
protection, to what identifying elements is the protection extended or limited
to, who represented the community, under which procedures is the representative
selected and appointed, who will be able to freely use the knowledge both
within and outside the community after registration and when and where, on what
academic, factual historical or research bases are those questions to be
answered and by whom, and in respect of many other crucial practical questions.
13.
The Bill aims at (1) promoting traditional indigenous
knowledge by protecting it and (2) give money to indigenous communities, which
money can only come from domestic and international commercial sectors which
will find it difficult to adjust to the departure from regular contract law
provisions and dispute resolution mechanism contemplated in the Bill and will
likely react by avoiding using anything remotely South Africans.
14.
The Bill will create disputes between and among manly
African clans and nations, while until now Parliament has avoided creating
incentives for such type of disputes which may revive ancient animosities and
feuds and set back the nation-building process, especially if there is money
flowing from the application of this Bill.
15.
Most questions relating to both the meaning and the
application of the Bill cannot be answered without lawyers disagreeing,
officials offering a different reading and legislators being confused. The Bill is a conundrum wrapped into an enigma
surrounded by mystery looking at itself in a mirror”.
Freedom Front Plus (FF Plus):
“The
FF Plus fully supports the policy decision to give further effect to the rights
contained in Sections 30 and 31 of the Constitution by creating mechanisms for
the protection and promotion of the products emerging from indigenous people’s
culture.
However,
it is our view that a sui generis
approach should have been taken thus taking into account the uniqueness of the
objects of protection, namely indigenous knowledge.
The
FF Plus endeavoured to open that door by amending the preamble to the effect
that will allow for future sui generis meta-legislation, however, that proposal
was rejected even though the Chair requested such proposed amendment. The
problem regarding this rejection relates to the inadequate time allocated to
discuss the preamble and the elimination of any misunderstanding that might
have arisen. Informally, where I explained the preample’s logic, members did
understand what was meant.
Very
complex work has been done in a hurry and fundamental aspects have not been
adequately dealt with, too many to enumerate here, but has been recorded during
the Committee’s deliberations. Certain
progressive aspects also exists, therefore, the Bill does present a mixed bag
of good and bad aspects.
In
the final analysis, despite the huge efforts to make the Bill workable, it
still falls short of the mechanisms needed that acknowledge indigenous
knowledge as a unique protectable item.
It now remains to be seen if and how the Bill will work in practice”.
Report to be considered.
________________
Ms
J L Fubbs, MP
Chairperson:
PC on Trade and Industry
Date:
16 September 2011