From: Godffrey Modisha
Can employment equity achieve a representative
workforce?
The Minister of Finance, Trevor Manuel, was recently quoted as saying that BEE
(Black Economic Empowerment) should be reviewed. This has fuelled a similar
call from organisations such as the Democratic Alliance, Solidarity, Inkatha
Freedom Party and Freedom Front Plus. Their arguments, however, do not spell
out what elements of BEE/Affirmative Action (AA) need to be reviewed.
These groups argue that policies marginalize whites and the poor of previously
disadvantaged groups. AA policies benefit a group of already established black
elite and middle class which undermines the goal of creating a united society.
The Employment Equity Act (EEA) assumes that labour market transformation comes
as a result of the inherent ability for markets to deal with racial inequities.
Hence, their argument continues, there is a need for a sun-set clause or
class-based affirmative action. I would rather argue that there is a-need to
review the idea of representation embedded in the EEA.
A closer look at class based AA arguments suggests that there is a tendency to
associate AA in South Africa with "Africanisation" policies in
post-colonial countries such as Zambia or Algeria. The economies of such
countries have not been sustainable as AA was implemented at the expense of
economic efficiency. Africans with less skills and experience were employed
even if expatriates with relevant skills could occupy vacancies.
It is important, however, to note that the EEA's emphasis on the acquisition of
skills for AA candidates makes it different from other African countries'
policies. The skills development strategy serves to redress skills imbalances
of the past, and simultaneously to utilise skills possessed by whites for the
undisturbed running of the economy. The ultimate goal is to include the white
minority in the creation of a united society. The government's JIPSA (Joint
Initiative for Priority Skills Acquisition) is the latest development in an
attempt to create this by encouraging expatriates with skills to return to the
country.
The class-based argument is more appropriate to countries like the US, New
Zealand and Malaysia, because the designated groups constitute the minority to
be assimilated into the mainstream economy. A need to facilitate representative
participation of previously disadvantaged groups, who constitute the majority
of the population, makes South Africa different.
The proponents of AA argue that the policy attempts to address historical
injustices and will also minimize discrimination in the labour market so as to
create diversity in the workforce. This enables South African companies to
adapt to globalised and diverse markets.
The ideology of representivity, however, seems to be at the core of
implementing AA. In his book, Affirmative Action Around the World, Sowell
believes that the representativeness of all racial/ethnic groups in the
workforce is an unachievable goal. He argues that different ethnic groups have
specific occupational preferences. For example, in South Africa, whites
dominate the economy, while blacks dominate politics; Afrikaners dominate
agricultural occupations and amaXhosa government employment and so forth.
This may be because of the historical context, but the remaining question is to
what extent is AA able to reverse this history?
The pursuance of representation in South Africa is also challenged by ILO
Convention 111, which stipulates that AA policies have a limited life-span in
order not to create unnecessary inequalities and punish those who are not the
direct perpetrators of racial inequalities. According to this Convention,
"A member which has ratified this Convention may denounce it after the
expiration of ten years from the date on which the Convention first comes into
force...". In addition, it will start to become increasingly difficult to
assess whether job applicants are black or white in South Africa because of
growth in inter-racial marriages.
This means that the government has until 2008 to 'denounce' AA policies.
Nonetheless, we hear little from the Employment Equity Commission (BEC) on how
the policy's legitimacy can be maintained. Instead, it argues that there is a
need to intensify monitoring and enforcement to achieve representivity in the
workforce.
The argument that AA policies, EEA in particular, discriminate against the
white minority is not strong enough in South African. Developments suggest that
the implementation of AA policies is a concerted effort to create a united
society. Nonetheless, there might be a need to review some elements of the
policy, with a view to the ILO provisions, if legitimacy of the BEE project is
to be maintained.
Geoffrey Modisha is a researcher in the Democracy and Governance Programme of
the Human Science Research Council. He writes here in his personal capacity.