Comments on Correctional Services Amendment Bill, 2007, introduced on 18 May 2007

Submitted by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

Submitted 31 August 2007

 

 

 

P.O. Box 30778, Braamfontein 2017, Johannesburg,

South Africa,

 

 

The Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation would firstly like to congratulate the Department of Correctional Services and the legislature for taking steps to embody the new principles of the White Paper in the legislation. We believe that it is very important that the legislation comply with international principles and norms, as well as those of our own Constitution, but more importantly perhaps, that they establish the basic principles and values under which corrections must take place.

 

However, we do have a concern that in widening its expectations of itself, the DCS is setting itself a task that cannot be accomplished with its current resources. It is common knowledge that the DCS is currently unable to fulfil its existing obligations under the Act, yet it has in this legislation sought to expand this. See for example S 37(1A) – General principles; S 41(4), which widens the responsibility to not only providing care, correction and development, but also “to include programmes aimed at addressing reconciliation of the inmates with the community and healing relationships with victims.” While we support the idea that the DCS should do this, we do not think that the DCS is currently in a position where it can be legally bound to comply with this provision.

 

 

We would like to make the following comments on the proposed amendments:

 

Terminology: One may dispute how important terminology is in an Act, but it seemingly is an important issue as the legislature has chosen to change the terminology used from ‘prisoner’ to ‘inmate’. However, it has also added in the definition of “offender”. This is a particularly value and judgement-laden term.  The Concise Oxford English Dictionary defines offend as “cause to feel hurt or resentful”, “be displeasing to”, “commit and illegal act”, “break a commonly accepted rule”, and “offender” then would be a person who has acted in such a manner. While these may all be true of a convicted prisoner, these are particularly value-laden statements and if the purpose of imprisonment is to break that pattern of offending, to regard the prisoner as an individual with the possibility to make a change in their life, and where the human dignity of the person is respected and valued, then that label as offender is particularly stigmatising and works against that general principle.

    • Prisoner on the other hand is a value-less term, as defined in the dictionary “a person legally committed to prison”. This is a similar meaning to the term “inmate” which the Bill prefers.

 

“Solitary confinement” has been changed to “detention in a single cell”, but this has not been changed in the definition section, leaving one uncertain as to what is intended by the sanction of “detention in a single cell”. Solitary conferment is defined in the current Act as being held in a single cell with loss of all amenities.

 

Keeping children with their imprisoned mothers: (Section 20 (1) and (3))

We are concerned about the reduction in time which mothers in prison may spend with their young children. We acknowledge that international practice and research shows that children should not be incarcerated with their mothers beyond the age of two, as this is understood to be adverse to the children’s best interests. We therefore support the DCS’s attempts to reduce the period of life in correctional centres to which children may be exposed. In South Africa we are concerned by un-child-friendly nature of the correctional environment.

 

However, separation from an imprisoned mother may itself have adverse effects on a child. We believe that it is highly desirable that children retain close contact with their imprisoned parents. The lack of such contact has been found to be damaging to children’s development and well-being. Behavioural effects found in children who were separated from their mothers following their mothers’ incarcerations included stealing and lying, aggression and regression and poor school performance.[1] It is essential that measures are implemented to improve the quality and amount of contact that children are able to have with their incarcerated mothers.

 

  • Non-custodial sentences should be a first option for care-giving mothers
  • DCS and the Department of Social Development must make adequate visitation arrangements for children of imprisoned mothers and include increased time for mother-child visitations; facilitate visits by children from families with limited resources (children who would otherwise be prevented from visiting), and provide more conducive environment for mothers to develop relationships with their children.
  • Provide family reconstruction services during the period of incarceration and for mothers being released.

 

 

Section 37

We understand the sentiment of the DCS in including the items listed in Section 37(1A) of the amendment, however, we believe that these kinds of broad aims of a management regime and conduct issues should not be contained in legislation. The legislation is not only a guiding document to inmates and correctional officials, but it is also a binding document to which the DCS can be legally bound. Issues such as “good communication between correctional officials and inmates is understood by everyone”; “team work”; and “delegated authority with clear lines of responsibility” are management principles and practices rather than legislative duties. In addition, should they become the subject of litigation, it is extremely difficult to prove whether these have been adhered to or not. Not only is their meaning unclear, but the interpretation of their application is also likely to be contested.

 

 

Community corrections: Amendments to Section 52(1)

The DCS should ensure that when making adjustments to the law in an attempt to enhance the goal of reintegration and rehabilitation that it does not do so in a way that actually disadvantages the released person. Section 52(1)(a) and (aA) talk about house arrest. CSVR has found that these provisions when added as a parole condition can work against a released prisoner’s attempt to seek employment or reintegrate into the community. Parolees interviewed following their release from prison expressed frustration about being put under house arrest and not being able to find employment. The conditions are so onerous that some of these people could not even leave their homes to come and participate in a post-programme evaluation run by CSVR.

 

“The fear of violating their parole conditions and being sent back to prison kept them at home and adhering to the conditions. The parole conditions prevented them from looking for employment or beginning to find a way of earning an income to support themselves and their family. This had a negative impact on the participants as they spoke of high levels of frustration, not being able to find a meaningful role in society, finding it extremely difficult to cope with their reality (they felt caught between two worlds: prison and reality), and being socially excluded from friends and the community.”[2] 

 

At the same time, only 45% of the parolees we had interviewed had regular contact with their parole officer, and one person had never seen his parole officer or received any support from him.

 

Similarly, the proposed S(52)(1)(b) may actually prevent people doing community service. The proposed amendment requires that a person “does community service in order to facilitate restoration of the relationship between the person concerned and the community”. This may limit the opportunity to do community service to instances ONLY where it serves to ‘restore relationships’. It is not clear what the legislature has intended by this phrase, but there are other reasons for a person doing community service, such as to learn new skills, to take on active responsibilities in the community or elsewhere, or to restore relationships.

 

Again, one of the parolees from the Integrated Youth Offender Programme felt that his 150 hours community service at the local police station helped to adapt himself to working conditions and to build his confidence in relating to the community.[3]

 

It is not clear why S 57 (5) is repealed. It  requires “a person subject to community corrections may not be under the influence of alcohol or other drug to the extent that it impairs the process of supervision”. This seems like a sensible clause to retain, particularly if some people who are subject to community corrections will be undertaking work in the community, participating in treatment, correction, development and care programmes.

 

Section 73: Release from prison

There are a number of proposed amendments to the legislation which would affect the release on parole of sentenced prisoners. As stated in S 73(1) a prisoner remains in prison for the full duration of his/her sentence, and a prisoner sentenced to life imprisonment remains in prison for the duration of his/her life. This clearly means that prisoners have no RIGHT to be released prematurely from prison. However, S 73(4) determines that a prisoner MAY be released on parole or correctional supervision before the expiry of his/her sentence.  Whereas the Act currently stipulates the period that a prisoner must serve before being considered for parole, the proposed amendment leaves this decision to the “Minister in consultation with the National Council and after taking into consideration the sentence framework and the Department’s capacity to rehabilitate them”.

 

CSVR has some concerns with this amendment. In the last few years, the parole provisions and the period that a person must serve before being placed on parole has changed several times leading, to a degree of uncertainly on the part of Correctional Supervision and Parole Boards, and of prisoners themselves. This uncertainly was brought about as a result of changes in the legislation, as well as in the way that it has been implemented. This was the case even though the period which a prisoner must serve before being considered for parole/release was fixed in legislation or regulation.

 

Prior to 1993 a prisoner could be released on parole or his sentence could be remitted by a period prescribed by the Minster by regulation ((S 63) of Act 8 of 1959) after a report by the institutional committee. No minimum period was stipulated in the Act, but in practice, almost all prisoners were given a standard one third of remission of sentence.[4]  A complicated release policy was adopted in 1993 (the Correctional Services Amendment Act, 1993) in terms of which prisoners remained subject to supervision for the entire period of their sentence, but they were considered for parole after serving at least half their sentences (S65(4)0(a)). This consideration could be brought forward if they were awarded credits for good behaviour, and could be released after having served one third of their sentence. This consideration was made by the institutional committee with little or no input from prisoners. The parole provisions were again amended by the Correctional Services Act 111 of 1998 and brought into effect in 2004. Here again the period that a person must serve in prison was fixed, but a new concept of a non-parole period which could be fixed by the courts was also introduced.

 

For prisoners, the period they must serve before being considered for parole is an issue of utmost concern. Even on the current legislation, there has been much uncertainty and misapplication of the provisions leading to numerous applications to court. The proposed amendment to the Act now purports to leave the date of the parole determination at the discretion of the Minister. The Bill also does not stipulate whether these periods should be published by regulation. In fact, the current wording seems to imply that considerations could be made on a case by case basis, which is clearly incorrect, as that result would be inequitable.

 

It is our contention that the time frame for parole consideration must be published in legislation, and not be left to the discretion of the Minister, as it is important that these periods remain constant over a period of time so as to create a degree of certainty for prisoners, and they must be publicly open to scrutiny.

 

We do however believe that the periods before consideration for parole specified by the current legislation are very long and should be reconsidered. In particular, we would recommend that the current provision (S 73(6)(b)(iv)) be reviewed that a person imprisoned in terms of section 51 or 52 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1997 may not be placed on parole unless he/she has served four fifths of his/her imprisonment or 25 years, whichever is the shorter. This legislation (amendments are currently being considered in relation to this legislation) already imposed prescribed minimum sentences on individuals. The imposition of further minimum periods of imprisonment, in our view amounts to double jeopardy and this provision should be repealed. Recent research also indicates that the minimum sentencing legislation and current parole periods are contributing to the increasing length or prison sentences and will impact on prison overcrowding in the future.[5]

 

Office of the Inspector General for Prisons

There are some drafting errors here. The name of the institution is proposed to be changed, but the name of Inspecting Judge is retained in some of the sections: for instance, the office of the Inspector General is still to be under the “control of the Inspecting Judge” (S85(1)) and S 85(2) where as the term “Inspecting Judge” has been deleted in sections 86 and following. This is obviously to allow for the appointment of someone other than a judge.

 

We are concerned that the provision allowing for the appointment of assistants with specialist knowledge has been repealed. While the previous incumbents have not made full use of this facility, it is important to allow this feature to remain. This would allow for independent input and advice on areas where the Inspector General or his staff may not be fully qualified. The Jali Commission was concerned that the process of appointment of special assistants could be compromised by the requirement that the be appointed AFTER  consultation, and not IN consultation with the Commissioner.[6]

 

Secondly, we are also concerned about the provision for staff appointments that have been proposed. Whereas previously the Inspecting Judge could appoint their own staff compliment in consultation with the Commissioner, the amendment proposes only that the staff are seconded from the DCS. No provision is stipulated that they should be under the control or authority of the Inspectorate rather than the DCS (S 89). In our view this compromises the independence, and perceived independence of the office and its officials.

 

The controversial section 90(1) regarding the powers and functions of the inspectorate is again up for amendment, where it is proposed that the requirement to inspect and report on “dishonest or corrupt practices” be repealed. The Jali Commission noted a concern that the powers of the Inspectorate were limited to ‘reporting’ on such practices and it could not undertake investigations on its own accord. Instead of responding to this concern, the legislature has proposed scrapping this provision altogether. The Commission also noted the shortcoming that the Inspectorate is limited to reporting, but indicated that an oversight body would have much greater legitimacy if it also had decision-making powers, or the power to follow up on how investigations were followed through.[7]

 

While the DCS may argue that the Internal Compliance monitoring, as set out in Chapter XI, is proposed to be amended to respond to the need to investigate and suggest measures to deals with theft, fraud, corruption and any other dishonest practices or irregularities (S95), as well as S 101. However, this is (despite the deletion of the word ‘internal’) still clearly an internal process within the Department of Correctional Services, and does not address the real concern and recommendations of the Jali commission to established external oversight and investigation of corruption.

 

Reports to the Commissioner

We support the new additions under section 95C that the National Commissioner report on compliance monitoring; investigations contemplated in S 95A; and disciplinary proceedings contemplated in Section 95B. This will enhance the external oversight and monitoring of internal discipline.

 

Sexual Violence

 

The Amendment Bill does not deal with the issue of sexual violence and coercion in prison. Similarly there is no mention in the Act. This silence on the issue in key defining legislation contributes to the invisibility of the issue amongst prison communities and broader society, which in turn has numerous damaging consequences. These include (but are not reducible to) the transmission of HIV/AIDs, further violence in and outside prison and the entrenching of dangerous gendered identities which are behind much of the sexual and other violence we see in our society.

 

There are different levels at which the reality of prison rape and sexual abuse is denied (including in inmate culture, DCS policy and public discourse).[8] We strongly believe that in order for meaningful steps to be taken in addressing this situation, the problem needs to be identified specifically in legislation. This would provide an appropriate framework and impetus for the issues to be taken on board and given the urgent attention they require. (It is noteworthy that while other offences that commonly dog prisons are listed as offences in the Act, sexual violence and exploitation are absent. Moreover the latter are regularly implicated and interwoven with other central challenges facing DCS such as corruption, smuggling, recidivism etc.).

 

The current and undesirable reality is that sexual violence and exploitation in prison is an uncomfortable truth which is more often than not ignored. Staff do not possess  skills to deal with the issues, and are not supported by systems or procedures to do so.[9]  Compounding the situation, as well as being a result of this, there is much confusion about what is and what is not allowed,[10] and many staff and inmates fail to draw distinctions between consensual sex and that which is blatantly coerced. This contributes to the denial of victims of rape and also generates homophobia and intolerance. While certain patterns of sexual interaction in prison would no doubt present dilemmas for appropriate management in their blurring of consensual – coercion distinctions, addressing blatantly violent abuse and manipulation is critical.

 

Correctional legislation needs to provide the framework for inter alia, disciplinary offences, effective complaint channels relating to sexual violence, access for victims to the criminal justice system and health care, victims safety, procedures to appropriately deal with perpetrators, skills development for correctional staff including rape survivor support and referrals, sexual violence prevention, sensitisation on issues of sexuality and gender, and sexual health education.

 

Different components of the problem need to be thoroughly understood and worked through for the development of realistic and appropriate strategies to prevent and respond to sexual violence in prison as well as risky sex practices. Various non-governmental organisations have done and continue to do substantial work in the area as well as on the related issue of sexual health in prison. They have built up experience and learnings which would go along way in assisting with the development of appropriate strategy and policy.

 

Much could also be gained from gleaning the lessons from the USA’s ground breaking and recently introduced Prison Rape Elimination Act. While the context differs from our own and a similar initiative in our country would need to be developed to suit our context, the USA legislation provides valuable learnings and has in its short life already been successful in getting the issue recognised and providing workable strategies to address it. 

 

 

 

 Amanda Dissel and Sasha Gear

Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

 

 



[1] Kailash Bhana and Tessa Hochfeld (2001). “Now we have nothing”: Exploring the impact of maternal imprisonment on children whose mothers killed an abusive husband. Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. P. 23.

[2] Roper, M. (2007). “External Evaluation of the three year Integrated Youth Offender Programme at Boksburg Correctional Centre in South Africa”, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, P 64.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Dirk van zyl Smit (2004) “Swimming against the tide: Controlling the size of the prison population in the New South Africa”, in Bill Dixon and Elrena van der Spuy (eds) Justice Gained? Crime and Crime Control in South Africa’s Transition, pp 227 – 258.

[5] See for instance the work of Chris Giffard and Lukas Muntingh (2006) The effect of sentencing on the size of the South African prison population, Open Society Foundation of South Africa, and Michael O’Donovan and Jean Redpath (2006) The Impact of minimum sentencing in South Africa, Open Society Foundation of South Africa.

[6] The Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of Corruption, Maladministration and Violence in the Department of Correctional Services”, otherwise known as the Jali Commission, 2006.

[7] Jali Commission Final report, p. 38.

[8] Gear, S. (2005) Rules of engagement: Structuring sex and damage in men’s prisons and beyond. Culture, Health & Sexuality; 7(3) 195-208.

Gear, S. (2006) Behind the bars of masculinity: Male rape and homophobia in and about South African men’s prisons. Sexualities 10(2) 209-227.

[9] Jali Commission Report. 2006 Report of the “Commission of inquiry into alleged incidents of corruption, maladministration, violence or intimidation in the Department of Correctional Services”

[10] See Fourie, N. (2005) ‘Opinion for CSVR on the Regulation of Sexual Activity in Prisons.’ (unpublished)