SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

Three main relationship types in which sex takes place in prison are reported.

• Man and Wife or marriage relationships: tends to involve rape & coercive sex
• Uchincha ipondo
• Other consensual relationships

REFER TO TABLE (page 2) FOR NORMS OF THESE RELATIONSHIPS

The apparently most common site of sex in prison, these relationships are power-defined and involve two

kinds of participants: husbands and wives.

There are very specific rules in terms of how participants relate to each other. Husbands own and control

their wives, and must provide materially for them. Wives must be available to their husbands for sex.

Husbands are associated with power and status while their wives tend to be drawn from the vulnerables of inmate culture and are considered inferior.

A range of (sometimes complex) strategies and factors are used to turn some prisoners into wives or

women. These strategies are supported by the context of boredom, frustration, and the inequitable

distribution of resources.

The creation of dependency of the person to be used for sex on the person who will perpetrate the violation

(or on behalf of this person) is the common form of subordination strategies. Dependency is regularly

achieved by the creation of fear or material neediness in the target.

• Typical vulnerables include (but are not restricted to):
• Newly arrived first time offenders because they are unfamiliar with prison culture, and therefore easily frightened, tricked and manipulated.
• Economically vulnerable offenders (usually those who don't get visitors and/or are excluded from smuggling networks).
• Physically weak offenders.
• Offenders with 'good looks' are often specifically targeted and considered prise sex-objects or wives.

Factors that can protect prisoners from unwanted sex include:

· 'Crime' status (violence)

· Access to other networks of power.

· Aggression and mistrust of others

Gangs, sexual violence and coercion

The practice of prison marriages is institutionalised in structures of the Numbers gangs.

• Gang structures support and organise specific, usually coercive, sexual activities and attempt to rule on how sex takes place as well as who is having sex with who. Marriage is endorsed by gangs but other types of sex relationship are outlawed.

• Gang hierarchies are often divided into female or wyfie ranks and male or soldier ranks, and specific gang officials are tasked with the maintenance of the sex-status quo.

• Gangs are one of the power-vehicles used to coerce or persuade others into having sex.

All the Numbers gangs have members who are in sexual marriage relationships even when the stated codes of the gang expressly forbid it. However, not all gang-members endorse these practices, neither is it only members of gangs who are involved in coercive sex activities.

Meanings of 'Man' and 'Woman'

Much of the sex that takes place in prison happens along gendered lines. Depending on a person's role in the sex act, participants are identified in prison culture as men or women. In marriages' example, husbands are made up of men and wives of women. The ways in which these gendered identities are understood within inmate culture fundamentally impact on prisoner experiences.

Generally, anyone who has been sexually penetrated in a power-defined interaction is considered a woman. Women are considered inferior and not true' criminals and are repeatedly humiliated by fellow prisoners. It is their job' to provide men with sex. Most women are ashamed of this status, try to hide it and are usually living with the trauma of having been sexually violated. Once defined as a woman, it is very difficult to get rid

of this identity.

Conversely it is a symbol of masculine status to have a wife or woman, and even to have raped another prisoner. Men boast about their sexual relationships/interactions with women.

Promotion to 'Manhood'

The criteria for promotion to 'manhood' tend to be ruled upon by the gang structures. Being promoted to man status typically involves violence against others (non-gang-members or warders) as well as the 'courage' to withstand the punishment by officials that may follow the violence.

The majority of wyfies do not get promoted because they are frightened and because if they were to commit the necessary violence, they would probably extend their prison sentences.

A well as demanding violence from those seeking promotion, revenge violence is evident in the cyclical nature of sexual abuse reported. Some of the "worst' (most abusive) men are those who had previously been made into wives themselves, say respondents.

Alternative Modes of Sex: Consensual: REFER TO TABLE (page 2)

In addition to marriages, another common site of sex is an interaction known as uchincha ipondo. Uchincha ipondo is very different to marriage style sex because it is defined by consent (rather than power of one party over another) and is considered deviant within dominant inmate culture. It ignores sex rules associated with marriage and is sometimes understood to constitute 'homosexuality' (as opposed to heterosexual roles of marriage).

Other consensual sex-relationships that are defined by the love' feeling that participants have for each other and that do not fit into either of the broad categories (uchincha ipondo or marriage-style) are also reported.

'Homosexuality' and 'Gayness'

• The term 'homosexuality' is taboo among prisoners (especially those involved in marriage relationships).
• Marriages operate to distance sexual activity from notions of 'homosexuality'.
• 'Gayness' is regularly associated with femininity. As such gay prisoners are vulnerable to sexual abuse.
• Respondents often use 'homosexuality' as a hold-all term for all sexual encounters in prison. 'Homosexuality' is frequently conflated with forced sex. Prison experiences generate homophobic attitudes in offenders.

Types of Sexual Activity

Respondents talk about two types of sex: anal sex and thigh sex. It is unclear whether one type is more prevalent than the other.

Sex is often considered diseased by respondents although they speak notably little about HIV/AIDS. Similarly there is little talk about HIV/AIDS amongst prisoners, they say.

Most prisoners having sex do not use condoms. The reasons provided for this include:

• Ignorance
• Desire for flesh on flesh'
• Not knowing how to use condoms

• Unavailability of condoms
• Requirement that in order to get condoms you must visit health officials
• Violent context as diminishing of health concerns.

Prison Warders

Sex, sexual violence and coercion In prison impact on warder behaviour and vice versa.

While some warders offer protective cautions to prisoners, others are directly involved in sexual abuses.

• Some warders participate in the trade of prisoners for coercive sex & rape
• Warders are cited as the source of the goods and consumables with which men provide their wives.
• Sometimes prisoners are denied participation in developmental activities on the grounds that they are only looking to sell sex.
• Troublesome prisoners may be encouraged by officials to 'find a husband'.
• Officials take bribes to keep quiet about abuses.
• A sense of resignation amongst officials to the fact of sexual abuse is reported, as well as fear for their own safety should they intervene.

Reporting of Sexual Violations

Although complaints of rape and sexual abuse that are lodged are reportedly rarely given official attention, a number of factors militate against reporting in the first place:

• Terror of further victimisation on the part of victims and witnesses.
• The perception that it's not 'manly' to report.
• Immense shame at having been sexual violated

On Release

What are the reintegration consequences of coercive and violent sexual experiences in prison?

• Victims tend to be burdened with intense shame, emotional pain and alienation from other people.
• They attempt to keep what happened to them secret
• According to prison culture they have lost their 'manhood'.
• Traumatic stress involves feelings of alienation and an inability to connect with or trust others as well as avoidance of anything associated with the victimisation.
• Repercussions of sexual victimisation in prison will vary but further violence is commonly reported.

• Revenge attacks by wives on their perpetrators or husbands.
• Attacks on fellow ex-prisoners in attempt to keep their past sexual victimisation secret, or to punish secret-breachers.
• Other (self) destructive behaviours.

In general, amongst victims, perpetrators and witnesses, destructive notions of what it means to be a man are further entrenched in prison. It is likely that many exposed to this context will continue to act out identities which involve the subjugation, ownership and abuse of others. Prison may provide young prisoners with some of their most decisive views on sexuality and gender issues - ones on which they will base their future relationships.