Congo-Brazzaville delegation on current political situation

Meeting report

FOREIGN AFFAIRS PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE
20 June 2001
CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE DELEGATION ON CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION

Chairperson: Mr D J Sithole

Documents Distributed:
Presidential Address as presented to the Committee (see Appendix 1)
Presidential Press Release: March, 2001 (see Appendix 2)
Presidential Memo to the OAU: April, 1999
Background Materials on Congo-Brazzaville

SUMMARY
Professor Pascal Lissouba, the exiled "constitutional President" of the former French colony Congo-Brazzaville, who was ousted in a 1997 coup by General Sassou-Nguesso, addressed the Committee concerning the current political situation in his country. The President decried the actions of the dictatorial usurper in destroying the nation's democratic institutions, through which Lissouba had been freely elected prior to being deposed. He also described how the current regime had destroyed the country's infrastructure and wealth through its past military activities. Its repressive rule features systematic human rights abuses including mass murder and rape. He was scathing in his criticism of the current regime's reliance on foreign troops to maintain its position, and of President Bongo of Gabon, who has favored Sassou-Nguesso at the behest and in the interest of France, which has also backed the illegitimate ruler.

Prof Lissouba appealed to South Africa for help saying that it was the responsibility of all African countries to ensure that the principles of human rights and constitutionalism were observed throughout Africa.

MINUTES
Prof Lissouba said that he was appearing before the Committee as a representative of a nation that had assisted South Africans in their struggle for the restoration of democracy and freedom. His emotions ran deep as the president told the Committee that at present the illegitimate powers in rule in the Congo were constructing a constitution tailored to fit the power issued from the coup d'etat of October 1997.

Prof Lissouba said that despite the UN Security Council Declaration 867 of October 16 1997 ordering the departure of all foreign troops in Congo-Brazzaville, the Angolan army and all its allies are still in occupation of the territory. Troops from Angola, Chad, Rwandese Hutu Militia, French mercenaries and paramilitaries supplement the delinquent military power of Brazzaville.

The President told the Committee that the illegitimate powers were engaged in a process of systematic destruction of legitimate institutions. Bombing of schools and churches, ethnic killings and other atrocities occur with frightening regularity.

In reaction to these wrongdoings, the Force of Self Defence of Congolese Resistance (FADR) was born and managed to control half of the national territory. The FADR obtained a signature of accord for a cease fire on December 1999. This cease fire was a complement to the "definite cease-fire of September 19 1997" and was signed by Prof Lissouba, the Prime Minister, Mr B Kolelas, the President of the Republic of Gabon, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations. Only General Sassou-N'Guesso, assured by his powerful support from outside, did not sign the peace accord.

The accord signed in December 1999 between the FADR and the armed forces of Brazzaville stopped the hostilities and encouraged political dialogue towards a peaceful resolution. However General Sassou wants to stay in power regardless of the popular will. General Sassou was ousted from power in 1992 in the very first democratic elections. After thirteen years of catastrophic management, Sassou had plunged Congo into indebtedness matched nowhere in the world. Sassou managed to do this despite the fact that his period of office coincided with the petrol boom that brought abundant revenue to the country.

Aware of his unpopularity and slim chance of winning in a free election, Sassou refuses to engage in any form of dialogue with the peoples sovereignty, the elected leaders of the largest political parties in the country.

To mislead international observers, General Sassou has organised the so called 'National Dialogue without exclusion'. These talks are to replace the talks provided for in the accord of December 1999. The masquerading of General Sassou is clearly a step towards the perpetuation of so called elections from which all credible candidates would be excluded from the very beginning.

Prof Lissouba said that these election would be meaningless as the Congolese people would once again reject the legitimacy of the occupation by illegal powers and hostilities would once again resume.

Prof Lissouba concluded by saying that the Congolese people had suffered greatly under the illegitimate power of General Sassou. He said that the minimum he would like to expect from the international community is the sending of civil and military observers to supervise the whole post conflict electoral process. The president said that this would be the only way to ensure the security of the people, the frontiers, the candidates and the places of votes in the name of free and fair elections.

Discussion
Mr. Eglin (DP) thanked the President for his presence, and for his commitment to the re-democratization of his country. He asked what the OAU & the UN positions have been since 1997 in response to his calls for international assistance in returning Congo-Brazzaville to its pre-coup situation. Who has recognized the supposedly illegitimate Sassou-Nguesso regime since that time?

The President replied that the former colonial power, in pursuit of its economic interests, had helped the Sassou-Nguesso regime. Because of France his freely and fairly elected government has been excluded from occupying Congo-Brazzaville's seat at the OAU. He also noted his similar exclusion at the UN, where France exerts great power as a permanent member of the Security Council. The UN has done nothing to facilitate the removal of foreign troops from the country. He further stated that the western media has been unsympathetic to him in part because of the pronouncements of Gabonese President Bongo. Bongo uses his nation's oil wealth (derived from long-standing commercial arrangements with French petroleum companies) to pay for favorable coverage of his positions, which patently support Sassou-Nguesso. Speaking further of Bongo's role in Congo, Lissouba declared that he had betrayed his position as a supposedly "impartial" mediator and is apparently acting as a tool of the French, whose primary concerns are commercial, just as they had been throughout the exploitative colonial era.

Prof Lissouba told the Committee that what needed to be understood was that the country was full of foreign troops, with the greatest power present being the French. Prof Lissouba said the French people were using their own military power to help those who are busy destroying the Congo. In the beginning when troops first entered the Congo, the UN was very quick to ask those troops to leave. Despite numerous requests from the UN the troops remain to this day. The President asked the UN to exert physical pressure to force these troops to leave. When this proposal came before the UN, it was rejected by the French UN representatives.

Prof Lissouba said that the beginning of the Congo's misfortune started with rebellion in the military which was characterised by corruption. A coup d'etat ensued and General Sassou came to power. The President said that a resistance had formed with a loyal few doing their best to stop the dictator 's actions. The President said that at present it was the French who supplied the illegitimate ruling power with troops, fire arms, tanks, missiles and helicopters. In addition to this they have enticed troops from Angola, Chad and Zaire to join their efforts. All this has resulted in the presence of over 80 000 hostile troops in the Congo.

When these troops first arrived in the Congo they moved to the area south of Brazzaville, the Congolese capitol, and started a campaign of terror. Prof Lissouba said that these troops systematically destroyed the entire southern region of the city where over 300 000 people lived. The men were killed and the women were raped. Prof Lissouba went on to tell of gross violations of human rights. He said that some people fled the capital and sought refuge in the surrounding forests. The forest were then bombed as were schools, churches and other places where people would have sought shelter. In addition to this, some Congolese were encouraged to cross the border into neighboring countries. Those neighbors that were involved in the wrongdoings would offer refuge to the Congolese. However, once in those countries they would be sent to prisons and eventually killed.

Mr Ramgobin said that the South African government would support free and fair elections at any cost and would not give any support to a dictatorship. He reminded that South Africa had undertaken to deploy troops in terms of UN edicts as well as in terms of obligations incurred towards the OAU. The French role in supporting Sassou-Nguesso, just as it had backed the Mobutu regime in the DRC (formerly Zaire), is regrettable. He noted that while he expected President Mbeki to make further declarations on the situation in Lissouba's country, he was willing to again declare South Africa's commitment to democracy on the African continent, and the government's willingness to consider dispatching South African troops under the aegis of international organizations to restore the Lissouba democratic government. It was sad that other African countries had military presences in the Congo. He said that South Africa was privileged to be a part of the African recovery plan, the Millenium African Plan (MAP) which had as its ultimate goal the rejuvenation of the entire African continent. Central to this plan was the existence of democratic rule throughout the continent. South Africa therefore had obligations to bring democracy to all African countries under military rule.

Speaking "as ANC member", he then went on to say that South Africa had developed a particular style of intervention. He gave no explanation of what this style was but used Zimbabwe as a benchmark. He said that South Africa had not responded to the numerous pressures exerted on it in relation to Zimbabwe. He said that South Africa would employ the same steps to the Congo as it had done in relation Zimbabwe, with full appreciation of the fact that stability in Congo had very important consequences for Africa as a whole.

Ms F Mahomed (ANC) said that she was indeed sensitive to the position in which the Congo found itself. She asked Prof Lissouba what attempts, if any, had been made to communicate with the other African countries he had said supplied troops to the Congolese military regime. She said that steps like these could be done directly or through the mechanism of non-government organisations.

Prof Lissouba said that there were NGOs in the Congo which send documents to the neighboring countries encouraging them to remove their troops. He said there were also NGOs which supplied him with information on what was happening in the Congo.

Mr K van der Merwe (IFP) asked the President what his status was, whether or not he was in exile. He also asked where and how the President obtained funds to fuel his efforts to restore peace and democracy to his country.

Prof Lissouba said that he was a president in exile. He said that when he came into power, the Congolese government had no money to its name. He said that Elf, a French oil company, had been extracting oil from Congolese soil without ever paying any fees. As the new president he tried to correct this position. To this end he has initiated a complaint leveled at Elf, with the hope that a positive monetary judgment would be granted in the Congo's favour. Also, he approached the US government for money, which replied by giving 150 million US dollars. This money was used to pay civil servants who had not been paid for a period exceeding three years.

The President then thanked the members for their supportive comments, noting that democracy is weak and fragile, and subject to the forces of the rich and powerful whom the usurpers are aligned with to the detriment of the Congolese people.

The meeting was adjourned.

Appendix 1:
Address by President Lissouba
Mr. Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs;

Ladies and gentlemen members of the Committee on Foreign Affair's Relations office;

Honourable members of Parliament;

Distinguish guests.

It is for me elected by the people and sole legitimate representative of the Congolese people, as per our Constitution a great honour and a true joyful happy moment to be among you - elected by people of South Africa, to present the situation of my country.

We hope to get solicitude for the Congolese people who are martyr and your support in our quest for peace and our struggle for the restoration of Democracy and freedom in our country.

Ladies and Gentlemen;

My emotion is deep because, as I am talking to you this very moment, citizens without any mandate from the peoples but appointed by an illegitimate power are busy working on a project of constitution tailored to fit the power issued from the coup d'Etat of October 1997. Coup d'Etat of rare violence organised by the General Sassou Nguesso with the help of foreign forces, which made thousands of victims, destroyed cities, denied-up all the Democracy institutions and placed the country under the joke of dictatorship backed by foreign troops and multitude of mercenaries.

Should we remind you that despite all the condemnations of European Union, the US
Congress and Senate resolution, the United Nation Security Council declaration 867 of
October 16, 1997, ordering the departure of all foreign troops in Congo-Brazzaville, the
Angolan army and all its allies are still ostensibly occupying our territory.
Any observers could testify to these facts.

To front the delinquent power of Brazzaville, you have troops from Angola, Chad, militia Rwandese Hutus and Zairian, French mercenaries and paramilitary who are used to oppress the population under force. That population who cannot be given the right to the most basic principles of Democracy.

The consequences of this coup d'Etat and the occupation following it with no effort to be disguised are endless.

Besides the dissolution of all legitimate institutions, a double enterprise of demolition of the country and ethnic killings are being perpetrated by the putchiste power and its mercenaries. They have powered with worse exaction: like systematic bombing of schools, churches, markets and all other places used as the refuge by innocent people who are unarmed. Looting, rapes, massacre of the civilian population, arbitrary arrest etc. are rive.

These massive violations and repeated violations of Human Rights have been denounced many times by Humanitarian Organisations such as: The International Federation of Human Rights, Amnesty International.

In reaction to all the above, the civil disobedience required by the Congolese Constitution has turned into an armed resistance since the end of 1997.

An organisation popular resistance is born (FADR), the Force of Self-Defence of Congolese Resistance. This Organisation had controlled 1/2 of national territory for about 3 years, now they have obtained a signature of accord for cease-fires hostilities in December 29, 1999.

The accord was signed following as a compliment to what we call the 'definite cease-fire of
September 19 1997" singed by myself; by the Prime Minster, Mr Bernard Kolelas, by His
Excellency El Adj. Omar Bongo, President of the Republic of Gabon and the President of the
International mediation and by his Excellency Mr Mohammed Sahnon, representing the OAU
and the United Nations in the presence of 7 members of heads of States from the OAU.

Only General Sassou- assured by his powerful support from outside- did not sign the peace accord.

I would like to give precision in the fact that we, elected by the people, have respected the accord of September 15, 1997 and all its exigencies.

This was not only symbolic for us but an expression of our affection for our people and our will to save them from unnecessary suffering.

The accord signed on December 29 1999, between FADR and the armed forces of Brazzaville, offered a real perspective of peace by stopping immediately the hostilities and programming the opening of a political dialogue between the parties in conflicts to seek a pacific solution in the Congolese crisis.

Nevertheless, the will of the majority of the Congolese people comes against that of one man-Sassou; who arrived in power by force of arms and want to stay in power regardless of the popular will.

The man has been ousted from the power by the people from the 1st democratic elections in the country in 1992 - after thirteen (13) years of catastrophic management. He has made Congo the most indebted country in the world. While during the same period, the petrol boom brought abundance revenue.

The economic disaster he has left was such that at the national conference politicians of all the different parties came to the same conclusions, the Congo was declared in its constitution as a "sinister country"

Aware of his unpopular and incapable to win free, fair and transparent election - he is stubbornly refusing any kind of dialogue with the peoples sovereignty - who are the leaders of the largest political parties of the country.

In his masquerading to confuse the international opinion - General Sassou has organised last month instead of the political dialogue planned by the December 1999 accords - in violation of the prerogatives of the mediator, a horde of partisans together, and baptised in the so called National Dialogue without exclusion.

As in January 1998, he excluded the representatives of the peoples who are today in exile.

The masquerading - is clearly a step towards the perpetuation of "so called elections" of which we will be excluded in advance all credible candidates and which he want to be the one and only to organise.

This will be very much to the contrary of a well-known rule in cases of major conflicts, which says: "Post conflict democratic institutions have always been put in the place in a consensual manner, by concentration of the different parties to the conflict.

This Putchiste power of Brazzaville and abstinent refusal to compromise is a prediction that hostilities will resume again because the Congolese people will reject the legitimacy of further occupation by illegal powers.

Our presence amongst you is testimony and commitment to a peaceful resolution - and the concern to spare our people from further armed conflict.

The humanitarian intervention that was applied in Kosovo and Timor should equally be used constructively in the prevention of further atrocities in the Congo.

Thus avoiding our people from further endurance of suffering. Our people have suffered too much more than enough.

It is the duty of Africa and the duty of the Africans to internationalise the cry of the Congolese people.

The Congolese people have been deeply traumatised for four years now. The minimum that we would like to expect from the international community is to send civil and military observers to supervise, with all parties in Congo, the whole "post conflict electoral process".

We are appealing for the involvement of the international community in the process that will take us to free and fair democratic elections.

It will be the only way to guarantee the security of the people, the frontiers, the candidates and the places of votes for a free, fair and transparent process.

Honourable members of Parliament.

Your country is a shining example to us. You have succeeded to build on apartheid's ashes, this monster that confiscated the rights of the majority of the people of South Africa - a real democracy.

Your experience should demonstrate to Africa. Your power to defend the right, the liberty and the democracy - without which all effort to development are vain.

I believe in Africa and its potential. And it can liberate itself from the sequence of coup d'Etat and pronunciamento, it will come out of the conflicts, combats misery and rivalry with other parts of the world - then will meet the challenges of development.

That is the profound meaning of the African Renaissance, it is our common challenge for the third millennium.

The restoration of peace and democracy in Congo Brazzaville should be the concern of all Africans.

We thank you.

Appendix 2:
PRESS RELEASE OF THE DEMOCRATICALLY ELECTED PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CONGO

In March 8^th 2001, the President of Gabon - who is acting as an international mediator has called for the dialogue within 8 days, complying with the decree promulgated by the self-proclaimed power of Brazzaville;

1. Confirmed Brazzaville - which has been occupied for 4 years by foreign troops - as the place for "dialogue for peace in Congo."

2. Also confirmed the day as wished by the government of Brazzaville before
the 24^th anniversary of the assassination of President Marien Ngouabi by Denis Sassou Nguesso as the opening date of the so call dialogue.

3. While promoting the dialogue on one hand the President of Republic of Gabon has on the other hand, ordered the expulsion and the repatriation by force of all Congolese refugees living in Gabon - with great risks and unknown faith for their lives - thus violating the Geneva Conventions on refugees stateless persons.

By playing the game of the power in Brazzaville issued from the 1997 coup d'Etat and by totally ignoring the elected authorities who underwent the October 1997 coup d'Etat - the President of Gabon has clearly part with his role of mediator.

The majority of the Congolese people - persecuted by the putschist power -comes to its conclusions and thus for recuse the mediator - who's collusion with the putschist and dictatorial power of Brazzaville is public and obvious.

The Population demands neutral and truly international mediation as stated in the . 29th December 1999 agreement.

In the name of the Congolese peoples who brought him to power, Professor Pascal Lissouba is asking to the President of Gabon, to stop the masquerade planned for march 17 - 2001 and to get out of the Congolese conflict.
The strategy put together by Sassou's party will deliberately violate the Brazzaville agreement. It is all about trying to legitimate its illegal power by planning an "electoral coup d'Etat"
The manipulation will fill in the ballot box by also having a disguise unique candidate that will give the victory of the next election Sassou Nguesso - him who had lost the regular election of 1992 than 10% of vote.

ACCORDINGLY
· President Pascal Lissouba says NO to the "so call national dialogue" which will only be a gathering of partisans and Sassou Nguesso's crooners
President Pascal Lissouba calls upon the Congolese peoples not to be involved in the masquerade organised by the putschist power of Brazzaville.
Finally, the democratically elected President of Congo Brazzaville is asking the international community to intervene in Congo Brazzaville on the basis of an "INGERENCE HUMANITAIRE" for the urgent settlement of the Congolese crisis by ensuring the application of the UN - OAU and other international organisations.

1. The directive 867 of October 1997 of the UN on the withdrawal of foreign troops from Congo Brazzaville - including the mercenaries.
2. The resolution of the summit of head of states of OAU in 1997 in Harare and in 1999 in Alger asking to all governments issued from a "coup d'Etat" the return to a constitutional order and the revival of the democratic process.
3. The following measures should be taken:

-The immediate deployment of an international commission to investigate the violations of human rights in Congo Brazzaville
To put in place an international penal (criminal) tribunal for the Congo Brazzaville
The deployment of an international or African force to maintain peace and security in Congo Brazzaville.

London, March 12, 2001

Professor Pascal Lissouba

Constitutional President of Congo Brazzaville